Democracy’s Dilemma: What The Governance Gap Reveals About India’s Unfinished Journey
- Harsh Agrawal
- 3 hours ago
- 17 min read

The Governance Gap: Unlocking India's Superpower Potential
Author: Rajeev Budhiraja Edited by Shashi Budhiraja
Genre: Public Policy / Political Science / Governance Studies
Published by Rupa Publications
Pages: 283
MRP: Rs. 695/-
Purchase Link: https://amzn.to/48RzrXN
Thank you Rupa Publications for a review copy of the book. Do check out the post on Instagram for some insights and highlights from the book.
Introduction
The Governance Gap: Unlocking India’s Superpower Potential (Rupa, 2025) by Shashi Budhiraja and Rajeev Budhiraja is a sweeping examination of India’s political and policy systems. The authors – veteran technocrat Shashi Budhiraja (now in his 90s) and co-author Rajeev Budhiraja – bring a lifetime of experience in public administration and business to bear on the question of why India’s economic and social progress often lags behind its promise. The book is organized into two parts: Part I surveys the basic political institutions (democracy, legislature, executive, judiciary, federalism, and social justice), while Part II turns to policy sectors (agriculture, education, health, workforce, and data) and concludes with a forward-looking chapter on India’s future.
From the outset, the tone is reflective and candid. Shashi Budhiraja recalls India’s founding (and his own youth at Independence) to note that India chose “to be a parliamentary democracy based on universal adult suffrage, where all power would flow from the people”. Yet he acknowledges that the lofty ideals of self-rule have only been partly met. As he writes, “India is a flawed democracy. It has made significant progress but still has some way to go to meet the ideal goals of governance”. This sober judgment frames the book: it is an inquiry into the gaps between India’s potential (“our strengths of diversity”) and its performance. The authors repeatedly ask why bold policies and billions of rupees often fail to deliver expected results, and what reforms are needed.
Throughout the book, the Budhirajas strike a journalistic, analytical tone – carefully documented but generally accessible to a non-specialist reader. They marshal historical anecdotes, data and quotations from experts and judges to illustrate points. For example, in Chapter 1 they recount that in 1947 few observers believed India – “a country already burdened by poverty, illiteracy and innumerable social and economic fault lines” – could sustain a Westminster-style democracy. Yet India not only adopted universal adult franchise (as the Constitution framers intended) but “a robust multiparty democracy was established” on this foundation. Nearly eighty years on, that democratic system has become part of India’s “muscle memory”; as one commentator noted, despite its differences and challenges “the answer in one word is democracy.” This account helps ground the reader in India’s unique political journey and the promise it held.
The Introduction and Preface set this theme: India’s founding ideals versus current realities. The authors remind readers of India’s Constitution and democracy, but immediately signal the book’s critical purpose. Indeed, they quote Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s warning that even the best constitution will fail if its actors are corrupt, and vice versa. The review that follows will summarize the key themes from each chapter of the book, noting its strengths and shortcomings, before offering a critique. In the end, The Governance Gap emerges as an ambitious and timely account of why India’s governance needs urgent fixing – a book that readers interested in public affairs (from civil service aspirants to informed laypeople) will find deeply informative and thought-provoking.
Summary of Key Themes
Democratic Foundations: Part I opens with India’s electoral democracy (Chapter 1, Democracy in Action). The Budhirajas highlight the uniqueness of India’s choice of universal suffrage at Independence, despite low literacy and extreme poverty. They note that giving “every eligible adult… an equal vote in the making of a government” was a compelling decision that set up India’s multiparty system. The first general election (1951–52) demonstrated that committed leadership and bureaucracy, with an enthusiastic electorate, could achieve a historic success even in a fraught context. Over time India’s experiment with democracy became “the Raisina model” – a distinctive, “Indianized” version of democracy that has held together despite diversity and conflict. In sum, the authors paint an optimistic picture of how democratic processes were established. However, they frame this by asking if the promise of citizen-centric governance has been fulfilled: has the body politic “unlocked its strengths” and climbed “the heights of growth and well-being” as the Constitution intended? The implicit answer is that India is still far from that ideal.
Parliament and Legislature: Chapter 2, House of Lawmakers, examines India’s Parliament and state legislatures. Here the tone is more critical. The authors describe a startling decline in legislative effectiveness. Once associated with “decorum, informed debates and good-humoured banter,” Parliament now often evokes “pandemonium, disruption, poor debates or none at all, casual attendance [and] horse-trading”. Citing former Speaker Somnath Chatterjee, they note bluntly that some legislators’ conduct “has become the subject of justified criticism and in some cases even of ridicule,” reflecting an attitude of confrontation rather than cooperation. The book documents how disruptions (protesting MPs, adjournments, sloganeering) have increased, shrinking the time spent on actual law-making. For example, the share of parliamentary time devoted to legislation has plummeted from nearly 48% of sitting hours to less than 14%. The authors lament that the legislature’s core functions (enacting laws and holding government accountable) are increasingly neglected. In a vivid quote, they even cite former President R. Venkatraman’s observation that politicians have become “no longer competitors in the endeavour to serve the nation but… bitter enemies drawn in battle array”. This bleak portrayal underscores a key theme: India’s democracy has the structures in place, but its institutions often fail to perform their duties.
Executive Governance: Chapter 3 (The Business of Governance) turns to the executive branch – the Prime Minister, Cabinet, and bureaucracy. Here the authors note a well-known pattern: India is formally a parliamentary system, but in practice power has concentrated in the office of the Prime Minister. They write, “in nearly eighty years of democracy in India… we have more accurately witnessed a prime ministerial form of government”. Whereas the Cabinet was originally intended to be a collegial body with collective responsibility, in reality many prime ministers (especially after Indira Gandhi) have ruled more autocratically, using inner “kitchen cabinets” and personal advisers rather than full Cabinet consensus. The book traces how successive PMs have shifted this balance, culminating in today’s strong PMO (Prime Minister’s Office) that arguably sidelines the Cabinet Secretariat. The authors note that “there has been a general move towards centralization of power in political decision-making…and a movement away from the Cabinet”, both at the Centre and in the states (a parallel trend under powerful Chief Ministers). This centralization is linked to New Delhi’s dominance over policymaking, for better or worse. The narrative cites history (Nehru’s era was more collegial, Indira Gandhi less so) and books by other experts, but the takeaway is that India’s governance has gravitated toward a strong executive style. The authors do not celebrate this shift; they imply that over-centralization can weaken checks and meaningful debate.
Judiciary: In Chapter 4 (House of Justice and Justices), the focus is on India’s courts. The book opens by contrasting two images of the judiciary: the austere Supreme Court with its “scales of justice” versus the chaotic lower courts with endless backlogs. They quote legal scholars (S.C. Kashyap) on the constitutional role of an independent judiciary to protect citizens’ rights. The ideal is stated plainly: “The Constitution attaches great value to the independence of the judiciary, which is essential to rule of law and constitutionalism”. Yet the reality, as the book shows, is often at odds with this ideal. The narrative provides alarming statistics: over 44 million cases pending nationwide (as of early 2024), including many unresolved for decades. The common lament is that justice is too slow – “the wait for the next tareekh (date of hearing) is what characterizes people’s experiences,” the authors write. Delays not only inconvenience individuals but can undermine faith in the system and even hurt the economy (e.g. India’s low ranking on contract enforcement). The chapter also touches on issues like vacancies of judges, the rise of Public Interest Litigation (PIL) as a means for ordinary citizens to seek redress, and recent controversies over judicial appointments. Overall, the message is that India’s courts are constitutionally powerful but practically hobbled by resource constraints and procedural backlogs. The judiciary is hailed as the “guardian of the rule of law,” but it needs strengthening to fulfill that role.
Federalism and Social Equity: Chapters 5 and 6 address two related themes. In Chapter 5 (Federalism: An Integral Part of the Governance Structure), the Budhirajas examine the federal design of India’s polity. Quoting Ambedkar, they explain that India’s Constitution created a “dual polity” of Centre and States, but “the federation is indestructible… the country is one integral whole”. In practice, however, India’s federalism has always been asymmetrical: the Centre holds residuary powers, can impose President’s Rule (Article 356), expand Union List authority, and create new states by simple majority. The authors cite experts describing India as a “centralized federalism,” where states remain financially and politically dependent on New Delhi. They document historic misuses (e.g. overuse of Article 356) and note that political considerations often override stated federal principles. Yet they also argue that federated governance is necessary given India’s diversity, and that it was meant to balance a strong Union with regional autonomy.
Chapter 6 (Reservations: Not a Magic Bullet to Resolve Backwardness) treats India’s system of affirmative action by caste and class. The authors acknowledge that reservations (quotas) were introduced to correct historical injustices and bring “hitherto disadvantaged communities” into education, jobs and power. They explain the constitutional framing: original reservations for Scheduled Castes and Tribes, later extended to OBCs (and recently EWS). However, they also highlight the controversy and politicization of reservations. “The mere utterance of the terms ‘reservations’ or ‘quota’ in today’s India is bound to invite polarizing reactions,” they note. Nowadays, multiple groups demand quotas, and many states have expanded reservation totals (in some cases beyond the 50% limit set by law). The authors stress that the framers saw reservations as temporary and exceptional measures to achieve “substantive equality,” not as permanent entitlements. They quote S.C. Kashyap relating B.R. Ambedkar’s view that reservations beyond a set period would be undesirable: Ambedkar did not want quotas “in perpetuity” and hoped for a “casteless and classless society”. Thus this chapter examines a highly sensitive issue with nuance: recognizing the need for social justice measures while warning that unbridled expansion of quotas can exacerbate societal fissures.
Agriculture: Part II begins with rural affairs. Chapter 7 (Indian Agriculture: Sputtering Along) reviews the history and current state of farming. The authors observe that despite centuries of rich agrarian tradition, colonial rule had left Indian agriculture stagnant and inequitable (a few landlords held land, peasants lacked tenure). Independence brought hope – Nehru’s First Five-Year Plan rightly gave agriculture “topmost priority,” with massive investments in irrigation and new farming methods. Early successes followed: by the mid-1950s India was nearing self-sufficiency in foodgrains. But the authors argue these gains bred complacency. As industrialization became the focus, agriculture’s share of national effort declined; budgets shrank from 31% to 20%, diverting resources to “Temples of Modern India.” This policy shift proved a mistake: India returned to food shortages in the 1960s and had to depend on foreign aid. The key theme is that agriculture – a sector employing two-thirds of Indians – has consistently been underinvested in later decades. The authors conclude bluntly that farming remains “the single most important sector that has held back India’s development, and for that reason, needs the attention of our planners”. Without repeated detail, they sketch the Green Revolution and later reforms, but stress that problems (small farm size, market failures, lack of credit) persist. One telling quote captures the policy misstep: early success “lulled the government into complacency. Those who helmed the FYPs… had little first-hand experience of agriculture… the government turned its attention to heavy industries” – a “mistaken reasoning [that] has worked to the detriment of agriculture ever since”. This section portrays agriculture as India’s perennial trouble spot – improved at times but neglected in policy, to the nation’s cost.
Education: Chapter 8 (A Deeply Unjust Education System) examines schooling and literacy. The authors present stark data: even in 2011 India still had hundreds of millions of illiterates, and today may account for over one-third of the world’s unlettered population. Rural–urban and gender divides remain large. They lament that education spending has often prioritized quantity of enrollment over quality of learning. (The chapter title itself signals a harsh judgment: “deeply unjust.”) Early anecdotes note that from Independence on, schools became tools of politics (“education was often seen as a status portfolio”), and bureaucratic inertia made reforms hard. The authors critique how policies were repeatedly made (National Education Policies, Right to Education Act, recent NEP 2020), yet implementation lagged. Key problems listed include teacher shortages, poor infrastructure, rote learning, and mismatch with skills needed. The chapter ends on an aspirational note: India “must create an education system in which every child is valued, and students are enabled to engage with the demands and opportunities of the 21st century”. The underlying message is that education – once a symbol of national promise – has not delivered fairness or quality for all, and this gap must be urgently closed.
Public Health: Chapter 9 (Public Health: In Need of Revitalization) paints a similarly mixed picture for India’s healthcare. The authors point out the stark paradox: India is poised to be a top-three world economy, yet “it has a relatively low per capita income and possibly the lowest health spend-to-GDP ratio” among emerging peers. They stress that health outcomes have wide disparities: urban vs rural, private vs public, rich vs poor, even caste and gender. A dramatic sentence sums it up: despite its large economy, India’s health system is still plagued by lack of vision and ownership, and stories of families driven into debt by medical bills are “too common.” They note, however, that there have been some public health triumphs – eradicating smallpox, nearly eliminating polio, halving HIV incidence – showing what focused programs can do. But these are exceptions. The chapter highlights that most government health spending is skewed, and rural primary care centers are chronically under-resourced. One striking observation is that India’s health system is “mixed” and “evolved by default” – a confusing array of public schemes and private providers. Quoting a public health expert, the authors say “we have several disconnected pieces in our health architecture which we now need to build into a cohesive whole”. There is also the federal angle: health is largely a state subject but states depend on Centre for funding and policy. This chapter’s theme is that India has the human and institutional capacity for better health, but fragmented priorities and funding shortfalls leave large gaps in access and quality – a gap that must be “revitalized” through stronger planning and resources.
Human Capital: In Chapter 10 (Human Capital: The Story of India’s Workforce Potential), the focus is on labor, skills and demographics. While the browsing output gave only a glimpse, the thrust is clear: India has a young population and thus a potential “demographic dividend,” but this advantage is not automatic. The chapter likely reviews how investments in education, health, nutrition and skills are essential to turn population into productive human capital. The authors note (in later parts of the book) India’s low ranking on human capital indices, wide poverty, and disparities. They must stress that poverty, illiteracy and unemployability undermine India’s ability to harness its talent. The conclusion of this chapter (which immediately leads into data chapter) contains a strong line: “Investing in India’s human capital is not only a moral imperative but also a strategic necessity for lifting people out of extreme poverty and fostering the growth of a resilient middle class.” In other words, skills and health investments will unleash the virtuous cycle of growth and equity – “a real demographic dividend” – that India needs. This ties together earlier points: education and health gaps are directly linked to workforce potential.
Data and Decision-making: Chapter 11 (Criticality of Data in Decision-Making) emphasizes an often-overlooked theme: governance depends on good data. The authors observe that India’s policy discourse sometimes assumes data is new to the 21st century (“Data is the new oil,” as one quip goes). They show that even ancient Indian texts recognized population tallies and censuses. The modern point is that “for any policy or strategy … about the present, [without] data it cannot be made sensibly.” They stress that data collection must be rigorous and transparent, or else policies will be flawed. A key quote underscores this: “for data to be of use in matters of governance, the process of collecting it has to be rigorous, transparent and verifiable”. The chapter discusses how India has a wealth of potential data (censuses, surveys, digital records), but often suffers from poor quality, delays or gaps. It highlights successful examples (like the JAM trinity of Jan Dhan accounts, Aadhaar, mobile numbers) and also instances where bad data undermined planning. The underlying theme is that “the fate of India’s ambitious economic and social targets depends” on having accurate, up-to-date data – another critical governance gap that needs closing.
India: The Way Forward (Chapter 12): Although the detailed text of this final chapter was not included in our sources, we can summarize its apparent aim. Titled India: The Way Forward, it likely pulls together all previous analyses into recommendations. Given the book’s outline, we expect it to highlight the necessity of institutional reforms and effective use of resources. Clues from the notes suggest the authors discuss India’s recent growth (with references to a BBC article on growth slowing), global governance rankings, and inequality data (World Inequality Lab). Presumably, they argue that India must close its “governance gap” by reforming bureaucracies, investing in human development, curbing corruption, and strengthening the rule of law. They may endorse strategies like empowering local governments, improving public services, and encouraging participatory governance. In sum, this chapter likely urges policymakers and citizens alike to draw lessons from the country’s shortcomings. Without text to quote, we note that the authors’ approach throughout is solutions-oriented: they do not just catalogue problems but repeatedly imply what is needed (more transparency, more capacity building, more accountability). The final section, we infer, ties these threads into a call for political leadership and public vigilance.
Analysis
The Budhirajas’ review of India’s governance is ambitious and often enlightening. One of the book’s greatest strengths is its breadth and currency. It covers both the entire constitutional framework and diverse policy sectors, offering a holistic view rarely seen in one volume. Each chapter is rich in data and examples: from the exact number of court cases pending nationwide, to charts on budget allocations, to summaries of court rulings and legislation. The authors have clearly updated their narrative with the latest figures (up through 2023–24), drawing on sources like PRS Legislative Research, World Bank indices, and recent scholarship. This commitment to factual detail gives the book credibility and makes it a useful reference.
Equally valuable is the clarity of exposition. Despite complex topics, the writing is generally straightforward and free of jargon. Technical terms (like “collective responsibility” or “Article 356”) are explained in context for general readers. The narrative often uses compelling imagery or anecdotes. For example, in describing Parliament, the authors juxtapose the “stately corridors, [and] the scales of justice” of the Supreme Court with the “crowded lower courts bursting at the seams”, instantly conveying the dual character of India’s judiciary. Similarly, the image of MPs hurling copies of bills or wearing shoes in protest (in Parliament) is vivid journalism. Quotations from notable figures also illuminate the analysis: Somnath Chatterjee on legislative behavior, a Supreme Court bench on the rule of law, Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer on the “finest hour of the rule of law,” and so on. By embedding these voices and data, the authors avoid mere opinion and let facts and experts speak.
The tone and balance of the book strike a careful line. The authors are clearly patriotic and idealistic about India’s promise, but not naive. They repeatedly acknowledge accomplishments – for instance, early planning successes in agriculture or the eradication of polio – showing respect for what was achieved. At the same time, they do not shy away from harsh critique. Calling the education system “deeply unjust” or describing the legislature as living up to India’s “worst political theatre” are strong phrases. Yet even in criticism they are measured and analytical rather than shrill. The prose is formal but engaging, suitable for readers who want serious analysis without excessive academic density. It should be accessible to educated laypersons, including civil service aspirants or social commentators, without requiring specialist background. In terms of structure, the review format with clear chapters and headings makes it easy to navigate, and the authors often summarize main ideas at each section’s start or end.
Importantly, the book ties its chapters back to the central question: has India delivered good governance, and what gaps persist? For example, after detailing legislative decay, the authors conclude that the legislature is not functioning as the “soul of our democracy” should, since it spends more time in disruptions than in lawmaking. After health issues, they explain that poverty of services undermines productivity and growth. Each theme is linked to practical outcomes: why these gaps matter for citizens and for India’s development. This policy relevance should resonate with readers concerned about real-world impacts, not just institutional theory.
Critique
While The Governance Gap is commendably comprehensive, it also reflects some limitations. One weakness is its sheer scope: covering so many topics means that no single issue is explored in encyclopedic depth. For a policy expert, some analyses may feel summary rather than exhaustive. For instance, the chapters on health or education list problems and reforms, but one might wish for more field examples or case studies (such as Kerala’s literacy success or Tamil Nadu’s health achievements). Similarly, while the authors cite many reports and statistics, the book rarely examines counterarguments or alternative perspectives in depth. For example, the sections on federalism and reservations describe misuse of powers and expansion of quotas, but they give only limited voice to the pro-reservation lobby or to advocates of strong central policy. More debate on the trade-offs (e.g. national unity versus regional autonomy) could have enriched the narrative.
On style, some readers may find the tone serious but occasionally didactic. The writing is not always lively; it reads like an extended analysis paper rather than a storyteller’s account. The authors sometimes assume the reader will share their view that development gaps are the fault of policy weaknesses or political dysfunction. However, those looking for narratives (success stories or personal profiles) might find the constant stream of data and authority quotes a bit heavy. The book might have benefited from lighter transitions or more examples of citizen experiences. For instance, actual vignettes of farmers coping with climate change, or families affected by court delays, could have humanized the statistics.
Another limitation is that the book’s prescriptive solutions are sometimes general.
Throughout, the authors imply that India needs “better enforcement,” “more funding,” or “stronger institutions,” but concrete action plans are sparse. In the final chapter the suggestions (as far as we can tell) likely repackage well-known ideas: improve data governance, reduce red tape, and so on. While these are valid, policy readers may hope for sharper innovation. The authors touch on centralization of power or burgeoning reservation demands but leave unanswered how exactly leaders can build consensus to reform these divisive issues. In short, the analysis diagnoses many ailments but proposes only broadly that India must be more inclusive, transparent and evidence-driven. This is not so much a critique as a note: readers must often supply their own prescriptions from the book’s insights.
Finally, by focusing on institutions and systemic factors, the book gives relatively less attention to other modern challenges. For example, there is scant discussion of technology’s role in governance (beyond data collection), of regulatory reform for business, or of environmental and climate issues (beyond a brief mention of water for agriculture). Those topics, while beyond the core theme of governance structure, are increasingly seen as intertwined with policy implementation today. A chapter on digital governance or corruption, for instance, might have enriched the story of governance gaps. The authors do briefly mention e-governance and digital health initiatives, but more could be said about how India’s digital revolution both helps and strains governance (e.g. cyber policy, data privacy).
Despite these critiques, the book’s strengths far outweigh its weaknesses for its intended audience. Its arguments are cogent and well-supported, making it a valuable primer. It remains fair in tone: even when critical, it does not dismiss India’s progress. Instead, it consistently asks why and how gaps persist. Readers will come away with a clear diagnosis of India’s governance ailments – from disrupted parliaments to doctors’ shortages – and a sense of the remedies that are needed.
Conclusion
The Governance Gap is a thorough, insightful survey of India’s challenges at the intersection of policy and politics. Its journalistic style – grounded in data, case studies, and expert commentary – makes it engaging for a general but serious audience. UPSC aspirants and public-policy enthusiasts will find it especially useful as a current-affairs resource: it distills complex realities into clear takeaways (each chapter could serve as a self-contained briefing). For example, its characterization of India’s Parliament as “the theatre of the street” or its call to envision education where “every child is valued” provide memorable lines that illuminate real issues. The authors’ insistence on precise figures and facts (with citations) also offers readers ready material for essays or discussions.
At the same time, this is not light reading; its thoroughness means it often reads like an extended policy report. But that depth is an asset for those seeking more than a superficial overview. By covering all major governance domains – from law-making to literacy – the Budhirajas ensure readers see the big picture: India’s development can stall if even one pillar (say, the judiciary or health system) is weak. They end on a hopeful note that with purposeful action “we are equal to the challenge” of fixing these gaps.
In sum, The Governance Gap is a valuable contribution. It balances analysis and critique: celebrating India’s democratic achievements while candidly exposing where it falls short. The book does not just name problems – it implies a clear conclusion, borrowing Ambedkar’s idea that good governance depends ultimately on responsible leaders and citizens. For casual readers curious about India’s future, the book is eye-opening; for specialists, it is a compendium of up-to-date facts and arguments.
Key Takeaways:
The authors emphasize that India’s governance must translate democratic ideals into concrete outcomes. They highlight strengths – a resilient democracy, vibrant civil society, and economic potential – but also gaps: ineffective parliaments, overloaded courts, underfunded schools and hospitals, and insufficient data use. The book’s most provocative quotes underscore these themes, for example:
“Parliament was conceived as the Legislature… but of late lawmaking has ceased to be even the most important of its functions”,
“India’s health system presents a confusing reality: a large majority of its population resides in rural areas, but nearly all major medical resources are in urban areas”,
and “Data, like oil, is the fuel of our times”.
Each of these highlighted passages crystallizes a governance challenge for readers to ponder. Overall, The Governance Gap leaves no significant stone unturned and is highly recommended for anyone seeking to understand why India’s “superpower potential” has yet to be fully realized, and what must change to bridge that gap.
Purchase Link: https://amzn.to/48RzrXN